Language	Alternation	Description
Russian	Instrumental subject alternation	An instrument used in a certain transitive action (such as in 'John hit the fence with a stick') and expressed as an adjunct to the related verb becomes the subject of the clause: 'The stick hit the fence'. Thus the former agent of the action is removed and becomes implicit. Some verbs require modification by a prefix in order to participate in this alternation. A different construction involves the instrumental use within an impersonal construction with a suppressed Agent (vodoj zalilo polja [water-INSTR poured fields-ACC] ‘the water poured into the filelds/the filelds filled with water'). Yet, the latter construction is productive with transitive verbs if speaking about uncontrolled force (which might but need not be expressed by an instrumental phrase).
Russian	Prefixal Goal-Instrumental alternation	The alternation is coded by prefixation on the verb. The location/goal argument is promoted to the direct object position, while the (inanimate) theme argument is demoted and coded as an instrument.
Russian	Prefixal Source-promoting alternation	The source/counteragent argument, introduced by preposition u (counteragent), or preposition s (inanimate source), is promoted to direct object (the source remains unexpressed).
Russian	Semantic reflexive	When A and O are coreferential, the verb takes a reflexive marker (postfix), while P is not expressed.
Russian	Reflexive Anticausative	Anticausative use of reflexive -sja. The derived subject is mostly inanimate. Predominantly used in the perfective.
Russian	Participial Passive	Participial (adjectival) passive is formed by the passive participle in conjunction with a copula. The A argument is expressed by the intrumental case and is optional. It is used only in the perfective aspect; in the imperfective the Reflexive Passive is used instead.
Russian	Comitative alternation	The addressee can be either expressed by the dative case, or alternatively by a comitative phrase (with preposition s governing the Instrumental case).
Russian	Accusative-Genitive alternation	The Genitive can be used instead of the Accusative for the object argument of some transitive verbs (usually with less individuated/specific objects). This alternation, being lexically restricted, should be distinguished from the use of genitive instead of the accusative under negation (cf. Negative Genitive/Accusative Alternation), as well as from the Accusative-Partitive alternations (narezal xleb/xleb-a [cut bread-ACC/bread-GEN~PART] ‘cut the bread/some of the bread’), which are fairly productive.
Russian	Reflexive Reciprocal	The reflexive form -sja on the verb leads to reciprocal meaning when the subject is plural. The subject can alternatively be expressed in a comitative or coordinate construction.
Russian	Object deletion	In the derived frame, the direct object is not expressed overtly. Object deletion (omission) is possible with indefinite/generic objects of some verbs (in habitual contexts).
Russian	Cognate object alternation	Introduces a new argument which is a cognate object to the verb meaning, usually for the purpose of object modification. The cognate object can be in the accusative or the instrumental case. Verbs marked as "Regular" permit both, while those marked "Marginal" only allow for the instrumental.
Russian	Reflexive Middle	Russian uses the reflexive marker (postfix) -sja to express Middle transformation. Similar to the English example, the Middle requires a modification by means of an (evaluative) adverb. Unlike with the analogous Middle Alternation for intransitive verbs, the original subject cannot be expressed in the derived form (cf. Reflexive Middle (impersonal)). Unlike a syntactically similar anticausative alternation, the middle alternation is used (only) with imperfective verbs and applies to a broader set of verbs than the anticausative one.
German	Object Omission Alternation	The relevant verbs can drop all their arguments appart from the subject and thus, can be used in an intransitive frame. The meaning becomes somewhat generic.
German	Ambitransitive Alternation (A>S)	Valency decreasing. The patient of the transitive sentence becomes the single argument of the intransitive sentence. The agent of the transitive sentence is omitted. (This way the verb can be transitive and intransitive.)
German	Prepositional Alternation	The formerly dative marked recipient-like argument becomes a prepositional object instead and possibly turns into an adjunct. The benefactive alternation (which introduces an additional dative object) is in many cases the starting point for this alternation. Where this is the case we pretend as if the Prepositional alternation (I) occurs never, but we sometimes still provide an example for this alternation.
German	Passive with werden	The patient of the transitive sentence becomes the single argument of the intransitive sentence. The agent can be added as an adjunct.
German	Cognate Object Insertion	Valency increasing The verb gets normally one single argument but a second argument (a direct obejct) can be added. The number of items that can fulfill the direct object position is very limited for every verb, which is able to undergo this alternation.
German	be- Alternation (II)	valency transposing operation The former prepositional object becomes a direct object. (And the direct object of the original sentence becomes a prepositional object or gets omitted.)
German	ver- Alternation	valency decreasing alternation. A prepositional object is deleted.
Italian	Object Omission	Optionality of the P argument, according to the interplay of the aspectual characteristics of the predicate, the degree of thematic specification of the subject (i.e., agentivity/control), the inherent characteristics of P (e.g., animacy), the degree of semantic implication (i.e., 'lexical solidarity', Coseriu 1971) between the verb and the P argument, as well as the linguistic and extralinguistic context. As a general rule the object is optional with verbs lacking an inherent final/terminal point, as with activity verbs allowing a resultative use, or resultatives with animate objects in iterative uses, whereby the focus is on the event itself rather than on its impingement on the P argument (Levin 1993: 33, Lo Duca 2000, Cennamo 2003, 2011d, Jezek 2003: 94-104, Siller-Runggaldier 2003, int. al.).
Italian	Passive	A pattern with P-orientation, a marked verb morphology (the auxiliary essere 'BE', venire 'COME', andare 'GO' + the past participle of the lexical verb), A suppression/deletion (optionally surfacing as a prepositional phrase introduced by the prepositions da 'by'/da parte di 'on behalf of' + A), topicalization and subjectization of non-Agent. The auxiliary is realized by: (i) BE (essere), in imperfective and perfective tenses; (ii) COME (venire), in imperfective tenses only; (iii) GO (andare), with deontic value and, marginally, in perfective tenses with some accomplishments. Passivization is possible with achievements (e.g. strappare 'tear'), accomplishments (e.g. bruciare 'burn', affondare 'sink', costruire 'build', uccidere 'kill'), activities (e.g. dire 'tell', abbracciare 'hug'), and marginally with states (e.g. vedere 'see', amare 'love'), but with non generic Ps (Cennamo 2003: 53, Cennamo 2010).
Italian	Conative	The intransitive variant of a transitive pattern, where the prepositional encoding of the P argument reflects the lack of attainment of the verbal process, with ensuing low degree of affectedness of P (Levin 1993: 41-42, Cennamo 2003, 2011d, int. al.).
Italian	Reflexive Passive	The use of the 3sg./pl. reflexive pronoun si to mark a P-oriented pattern where the original P of a corresponding transitive verb occurs as subject and A is deleted, only marginally surfacing as a prepositional phrase headed by da parte di ('on the part of'). In its canonical realizations, in the unmarked word order [N si V] the S(ubject) occurs in the preverbal position, it is definite, referential and conveys given information (Cennamo 1995: 85-86). In compound tenses the auxiliary selected is always BE essere, in all reflexive patterns.
German	er- Alternation	prepositional object of basic verb becomes obligatory accusative object in alternation e.g. um etwas kämpfen - etwas erkämpfen ('fight for sth.')
Italian	Locative Alternation	An uncoded alternation where the canonical/non canonical (i.e. prepositional) encoding of the P argument of a transitive verb reflects the holistic/partitive interpretation of the location argument (Levin 1993: 50). When the location argument is expressed as a canonical object (i.e., as a noun phrase), it is associated with a 'holistic/affected' interpretation; when the location argument is realized as a prepositional phrase, it is associated with a 'partitive' interpretation (Levin 1993: 50-51, Iwata 2008 and references therein).
Italian	Anticausative (coded)	A coded valency decreasing operation marked by the reflexive morpheme si, whereby the original P argument/object of a transitive verb surfaces as subject. The core of the category is realized by inherently telic predicates. The process is presented as taking place spontaneously, without an external causer, that is, however, part of the lexical representation of the verb (Koonz-Garboden 2009).
German	be- Alternation (I)	X -> P' argument added (a former adjunct or non-obligatory prepositional object becomes a P) P -> X' The former accusative-marked patient becomes a non-obligatory prepositional object or gets omitted.
German	Benefactive Alternation	valency increasing operation, additional argument gets marked with Dative
Italian	Indirect/Dative Reflexive	The use of the reflexive pronoun si with (di)transitive verbs. Si is an argument of the verb, coreferent with the agentive A subject, denoting either the Goal/Beneficiary of the verbal activity or Possession in its canonical realizations. In its non-canonical realizations, si is not an argument of the verb, but denotes the degree of involvement/participation of the subject in the verbal activity (so-called Benefactive/Ethic Dative), frequently used in informal registers (Cennamo 2011c and references therein).
Italian	Oblique Subject	An alternation occurring with verbs of different aspectual classes (achievements, accomplishments, activities), where the prepositional non-core argument (i.e., the adjunct) of the original transitive pattern occurs as subject and the original agent (A) is no longer expressed. It comprises different subtypes, such as the Instrument subject alternation (e.g., la palla ruppe la finestra, 'the ball broke the window'), the Instrument subject alternation with object omission, where the predicate refers to the activity itself as carried out by an Instrument, and confined to modal or negative polarity contexts (e.g., il coltello non taglia bene, 'the knife does not cut well'), the Locatum subject alternation (e.g., i quadri riempivano la casa, 'the pictures filled the house'), the Possessor subject (e.g., la magrezza di Mario spaventa, 'Mario’s skinniness frightens') (Levin 1993: 76-77; 79-83, Lo Duca 2000 for Italian).
Italian	Middle Reflexive	A pattern denoting a situation in which the A argument is non-agentive, animate and coreferential with P. This is signaled by the reflexive pronoun, that is not an argument of the verb but a marker of the degree of involvement of the non-agentive subject, lacking control over the verbal process.
Italian	Direct Reciprocal Reflexive	A pattern where the verb is (di)transitive and the two nuclear arguments A and P act on each other and are both agent and patient of the verbal activity (Benefactive in Indirect Reciprocal Reflexive). In its non-canonical realizations A may be inanimate. In this pattern, reciprocity is often overtly expressed by means of the adverbials a vicenda, reciprocamente 'reciprocally' and by phrases such as l'un l'altro 'each other', which disambiguate the reflexive from the reciprocal interpretations (Cennamo 2011c and references therein).
Italian	Anticausative (uncoded)	An uncoded valency decreasing operation, whereby the original P argument/object of a transitive verb occurs as subject, with formal identity between the transitive – intransitive use of the verbal form, also called P-lability. The process is presented as taking place spontaneously, without an external causer, that is, however, part of the lexical representation of the verb (Haspelmath 1987, Levin & Rappaport Hovav 1995, Koonz-Garboden 2009).
Italian	Impersonal Reflexive	A coded intransitive-like alternation, characterized by defocusing of the S/A argument (according to whether the verb is monovalent or divalent), that is suppressed and signaled by the reflexive morpheme si. This morpheme marks an indefinite human participant, with variable interpretation (generic or existential/indefinite, optionally comprising the Speech Act Participants, as in the first person plural, inclusive interpretation), according to the temporal reference of the clause and the aspectual nature of the predicate. With divalent verbs, in the unmarked word order [si V N] the P-subject (i.e., the nominal agreeing with the verb) occurs in the postverbal position, and is most typically indefinite, and conveys new information (Cennamo 1995: 85-86, Bentley 2006, D'Alessandro 2007, Cennamo 2011c and references therein).
Italian	Causative	A valency increasing alternation, whereby a monovalent verb becomes divalent and a divalent verb becomes trivalent, through the adjoining of two predicates, the governing matrix verb - fare 'make' (the factitive/coercive causative)/lasciare 'let' (the permissive causative) - and a dependent infinitive (Shibatani & Pardeshi 2002, int. al.). The two verbs form a complex predicate, functioning as one unit, with ensuing restructuring of their original argument structure. If the adjoined infinitive is monovalent, its original subject (cucchiaio 'spoon' in (i)) becomes the object of the complex predicate far(e)/lasciar(e) cadere (postverbal if nominal, as in (ia), preverbal if pronominal, as in (ib)). If the adjoined infinitive is divalent, or trivalent, its original object and indirect objects (dolce 'cake' in (ii), a Giovanna in (iii)) function, respectively, as the direct object and indirect object of the complex predicate (far(e)/lasciar(e) mangiare 'make/let eat' in (ii), far(e)/lasciar(e) inviare 'make/let send' in (iii)). The original subject is expressed, instead, as either an indirect object, headed by a 'to', or as an agentive phrase, headed by da 'by', reflecting a difference in control, low in the former form, high in the latter. With the permissive, lasciare 'let', however, only the a-phrase is possible if the dependent infinitive is a stative verb, never the da-phrase (iv). Interestingly, the degree of acceptability of the da-phrase appears to reflect the aspectual characteristics of the verb, since it is possible with accomplishments and achievements (ii), odd/marginally acceptable with active accomplishments (e.g., mangiare 'eat' ) (iii) and impossible with statives (iv): (i) a. Marco fece/lasciò cadere il cucchiaio. Mark made/let fall the spoon b. Marco lo fece/lasciò cadere. Mark it made/let fall 'Mark made/let it fall.' (ii) Marco fece/lasciò inviare il libro a Giovanna da Anna. Mark made/let send the book to Jane by Anne 'Mark made/let Jane send the book to Anne.' (iii) Marco fece/lasciò mangiare il dolce a suo padre/da suo padre. Mark made/let eat the cake to his father/by his father 'Mark made/let his father eat the cake.' (iv) Marco lasciò vedere il quadro a Luca/*da Luca. Mark let.PST.3SG see the painting to Luke/*by Luke 'Mark let Luke see the painting.' When the dependent infinitive is a reflexive verb, in the factitive construction the verb occurs without si, as in (iv): (iv) Marco fece/lasciò radere (*radersi) Giovanni . Mark made/let shave (*shave himself) John 'Mark made/let John shave.'
Italian	Direct Reflexive	A pattern where the verb is transitive, A is animate, high in Potency and coreferent with P, which is signaled by the reflexive morpheme si, that is an argument of the verb, as shown by the applicability of the substitution test, whereby si can be replaced either by the tonic form sé stesso 'oneself' as in (iia) or by a clitic complement pronoun, lo, in (iib): (i) il ladro si nascose dietro una siepe. The thief REFL hid behind a hedge 'The thief hid himself behind a hedge.' (ii)a. il ladro nascose sé stesso 'The thief hid himself behind a hedge.' (ii)b. il ladro lo nascose The thief him hid 'The thief hid him.' The distinction among different types of reflexive patterns is to be seen as a gradient, with overlapping of categories at their periphery, in their non-canonical realizations. It is not always easy, in fact, to detect the function of the reflexive morpheme si, owing to the complex interplay between syntactic and semantic features, resulting also from different diachronic paths (Cennamo 1995, 2011d).
Italian	Impersonal of Reflexives	The corresponding impersonal form of (direct/indirect/reciprocal/middle/inherent) reflexives, with defocusing of the A/S argument, surfacing as ci, the 1st person plural clitic pronoun replacing impersonal si, whereby one finds the [ci si V] pattern instead of the sequence [si si V] (Cennamo 2010, 2011c). Ci marks an indefinite human participant, with variable interpretation (generic or existential/indefinite, optionally comprising the Speech Act Participants, as in the first person plural, inclusive interpretation), according to the temporal reference of the clause and the aspectual nature of the predicate.
German	Anticausative Alternation	The original agent is completely eliminated. An object (direct or indirect) is now the subject and the verb gets reflexive. (In the 'true' reflexive alternation, the change from object to subject does not take place.) Ex. Ich oeffne den Vorhang --> Der Vorhang oeffnet sich. (Middle alternation in English) There may be more examples on another level (Die Kartoffeln schaelen sich gut.) but normally one uses lassen (Die Kartoffeln lassen sich gut schaelen.)
Italian	Impersonal Passive	A coded intransitive alternation showing defocusing of both A and P, and a passive verb morphology, signaled by a form of the auxiliaries essere 'BE', venire 'COME', occurring in the unmarked 3rd person singular. A is deleted, optionally surfacing as a prepositional phrase headed by the da 'by', and P is defocused, realized by the (reflexive) morpheme si. The past participle of the lexical verb agrees with the underlying unexpressed argument (P), signaled by si (Cennamo 2010, 2014).
Mandarin Chinese	Neutral Ditransitive Alternation	The Mandarin ditransitive construction is coded as SVoO only, in which the prototypical indirect object o denotes a person as a receiver or loser of the direct object O which in its prototypical case denotes something discrete and tangible. This construction has an ambiguous constructional meaning in that the possessional transfer of O can be both rightward and leftward from S to o and vice versa. So the interpretation of a specific sentence hinges on the specific verb that enters into the construction. For that reason, this alternation is also termed as Neutral Ditransitive Alternation. Semantic extension can happen to all the three NPs, i.e. S, o and O, bringing about change in animacy and from material to non-material or information-like entities. The verb can also be extended along a continum, from factual giving or taking to unreal or conditional giving or not giving. All those extensions lead to constructional semantic extension.
Mandarin Chinese	Locative Inversion Alternation	The Mandarin Locative Inversion Alternation involves two semantically interchangeable syntactic constructions, contrastively coded as YVX and XVY, according to which both X and Y can be an NP and a PP. However, the former NP is interpreted or treated as a PP. The meanings of the alternation resolves around that something is placed somewhere and is being left in that state, or someone appears or disappears somewhere.
Mandarin Chinese	Middle Alternation	The Mandarin Middle Alternation requires an active form with a passive meaning, and for that purpose, usually it is necessary to use an applicative qilai or an applicative-like durative marker ZHE to follow the verb. A critical condition for a verb to meet in order to enter this alternation is that the surface active linguistic form SV permits an interpretation of VS both semantically and grammatically.
Mandarin Chinese	BA Alternation	The BA construction in Mandarin is often termed the Disposal Construction or sentence pattern because it expressess how a pre-verbally placed object introduced by BA is disposed of. The functional motivation for fronting the object pre-verbally is that the sentence information focus needs to be placed on the post-verbal element so that all the other unimportant elements, mainly the object, must be moved across the verb in a leftward way. For that reason, a complement is often used to follow the verb in order to show the focus information, or the end result of the actions denoted by the verb, i.e., how the object is disposed of or in what state it is left or affected. Understandably, if the focused information is implicated, the use of the complement is optional.
Mandarin Chinese	Quantity Ratio Alternation	The Mandarin Quantity Ratio Alternation involves an accommodation or provision interpretation in that, in a coded SVO structure, S is enough to accommodate O, in which S is something inanimate while O is usually animate.
Mandarin Chinese	Ambitransitive Alternation	The Mandarin Ambitransitive Alternation primarily involves the use of a type of verbs which can function as both transitive and intransitive. When used as a transitive verb, an SVO structure makes sense in that S causes O to V. When used as an intransitive verb, the reversed OV structure makes sense. However, idiomatic use of the alternation does not necessarily meet the condition. Since the Ambitransitive Alternation has to be split into two alternations: Causal-Noncausal (for transitive verbs) and Noncausal-Causal (for intransitive verbs), we always adopt the perspective of the counterpart verb form given in the list for this dataset.
Mandarin Chinese	BEI Alternation	The Mandarin BEI construction is used to front an object in an SVO structure to a topic-like subject position so as to highlight a passive meaning of adversity, with an optional expression of the agent. To stress the adverse result or effect of an action denoted by the verb, a complement is often used to follow the verb. And this condition or quality renders some unqualified cases of BEI Alternation, as held by some linguists.
Icelandic	Obj.dat vs. Obj.acc	The dative is usually used for animate objects and the accusative for non-animate objects. Maybe this should rather be viewed as DOM. Another way of construing this is to say that the dative is a beneficiary and the accusative is a theme/patent (see Barðdal 2001: 148ff.).
Icelandic	Nom-Dat vs. Dat-Nom	In the Nom-Dat alternant the nominative argument is the syntactic subject and the dative is the syntactic object, while in the Dat-Nom alternant the Dat is the syntactic subject and the nominative argument is the syntactic object.
Icelandic	Reciprocal Alternation	This alternation involves a simple verb and a corresponding verb with an -st suffix, which originates in the reflexive pronoun sik (which first became -sk and then later -st in the history of Icelandic). When occurring in the Reciprocal Alternation, there is a meaning of reciprocity involved.
Italian	Body part possessor alternation	The (in)transitive variant of a pattern involving a possessor object and a possessed body part, which may be encoded either as an object noun phrase (e.g., L’uomo colpì la spalla di Marco 'The man beat Mark’s shoulder'), or may be expressed as a prepositional phrase (e.g., L’uomo colpì Marco sulla spalla 'The man beat Mark on his shoulder') (Levin 1993: 71-77).
Italian	Possessor-Attribute Alternation	The (in)transitive variant of a pattern involving a possessor object and a possessed attribute, which may be encoded either as an object noun phrase (e.g., Temo l’arroganza di Giovanni 'I fear John’s arrogance'), or may be expressed as a prepositional phrase (e.g., Temo Giovanni per la sua arroganza ‘I fear John for his arrogance) (Levin 1993: 71-77).
Icelandic	Ambitransitive alternation with umlaut and -na	Transitive verbs can alternate with intransitive ones by means of adding a -na suffix to the verbal stem and by using a different stem vowel of the verb.
Icelandic	Ambitransitive alt. with -ja	Transitive verbs can alternate with intransitive ones by means of adding a -ja suffix to the verbal stem. (-ja does not mean anything in Modern Icelandic anymore). The -ja is not found in the infinitive, present tense, but not the past tense.
Italian	Applicative	A transitive pattern derived from an intransitive construction, with the original adjunct promoted to object status. Unlike in canonical applicative constructions (Peterson 2007, Polinsky 2008), there is no change in the verb morphology.
Icelandic	Dative alternation (PP)	This is a systematic alternation found for some ditransitive verbs. It involving two objects which may alternate between [Dat+Acc] and [Dat+til-L.gen]. This is the variant with [Dat+til-L.gen].
Icelandic	Dative alternation (Dat-Acc)	This is a systematic alternation found for some ditransitive verbs. It involving two objects which may alternate between [Dat+Acc] and [Dat+til-L.gen]. This is the variant with [Dat+Acc]
Icelandic	Locative Alternation with T.acc +með I.dat	Here the basic verb selects for a dative object and a directional argument. The derived variant construes the source as an object and the original object as an instrumental.
Icelandic	Transitive from intransitive	Transitives can be formed from intransitives, which means that we have a systematic alternation between transitive and intransitive uses of the same verb.
Icelandic	Caused-motion from intransitive	Several intransitive verbs in Icelandic can occur in the Caused-Motion construction with a dative object and directional phrase (see Barðdal 2001a: Ch. 6).
Icelandic	Ambitransitive	This transitive verb alternates with an intransitive variant, and there is no marking on the verb. The subject of the intransitive becomes the object of the transitive and changes its case marking from nominative to accusative.
Icelandic	Accusative Subject Ambitransitive vs. Transitive	These are intransitive verbs with accusative subjects which seem to be derived from corresponding transitive verbs with accusative objects.
Icelandic	It–he alternation	This alternation between an expletive and a personal pronoun in the masculine is found with zero-valent verbs like weather verbs. It is typically found with verbs of heavenly omission.
Icelandic	Dative Subject Ambitransitive vs. Transitive	These are intransitive verbs with dative subjects which seem to be derived from corresponding transitive verbs with dative objects.
Icelandic	Middle	This construction is an intransitive alternant of a transitive verb, and it denotes a property of the subject referent, one of the characteristics of middles.
Icelandic	Mediopassive (middle)	This construction is coded with an -st form, originally a cliticization of the reflexive pronoun. The alternation mostly involves simple transitive verbs which becomes intransitive through the addition of the -st morpheme, denoting a middle reading, but this construction can also have intransitive verbs as input. With some verbs he former subject be added as accusative argument optionally (cf. ex.147).
Icelandic	Reflexive (mediopassive form)	This alternation involves a simple verb and a suffixed variant of this same verb, which has developed from the reflexive pronoun. There is no formal difference between this construction and the Mediopassive (middle) construction.
Icelandic	Nominative Passive	The passive construction is regularly formed in Icelandic with the accusative object promoted to subject, changing its case to the nominative, and with the verb complex occurring with the auxiliary 'be' and the past participle of the main verb.
Icelandic	Impersonal passive	Originally, this impersonal passive was only found for intransitive and monotransitive verbs, but has during the last 15–20 years been extended to transitive predicates, resulting in what has been called the "New Passive" in Icelandic (cf. Barðdal & Molnár 2003). The new passive does not promote the object to subject position but keeps it in situ. Example: Það var keypt bókina (it was bought book-the.acc). This is a systematic alternation found for all predicates, not tied to any specific verb classes. The standard story is that only unergatives can occur in the Impersonal passive and not unaccusatives. This, however, seems to be changing and unaccusatives are gradually getting more accepted in this construction. Dative Subject predicates are not found in this construction, or any other passive construction for that matter.
Icelandic	PP vs. Genitive Object	A subset of verbs in Icelandic have a choice between genitive objects or prepositional objects.
Icelandic	Genitive Passive	The passive construction is regularly formed in Icelandic with the genitive object promoted to subject, keeping its case marking, and with the verb complex occurring with the auxiliary 'be' and the past participle of the main verb.
Icelandic	Dative passive	The passive construction is regularly formed in Icelandic with the dative object promoted to subject, keeping its case marking, and with the verb complex occurring with the auxiliary 'be' and the past participle of the main verb.
Icelandic	Genitive Subject Ambitransitive vs. Transitive	These are intransitive verbs with genitive subjects which seem to be derived from transitive verbs with genitive objects.
Icelandic	Dat-Acc Ambiditransitive	These are transitive verbs with dative subjects and accusative objects which seem to be derived from ditransitive verbs with an indirect dative object and an accusative direct object.
Icelandic	Impersonal mediopassive	This an impersonal passive has the mediopassive -st suffix on the verb and not the ordinary passive morphology.
English	Understood Omitted Object	A canonically transitive verb appears in this derived pattern without an overt object, usually implying a specific kind of expected object. Levin (1993) terms this "Unspecified Object Alternation". It is to be distinguished from the Understood Reflexive Object alternation.
English	Accidental Reflexive	A transitive physical activity verb with an agentive subject appears with a reflexive pronoun instead of a regular direct object, e.g. I cut myself, implying an accidental outcome. The locus of the effect can be, and commonly is, indicated by an optional on-phrase with a body-part word, e,g, I cut myself on the finger.
English	Inchoative-Causative	A (basic) intransitive predicate depicting a state or something happening ('S is like this' or 'something happened to S') alternates with a (nonbasic) transitive predicate taking an agentive or agent-like subject. The transitive sentences depicts a change to the patient caused by the agent's action.
English	Middle	A verb that normally takes a patient object (if transitive) or undergoer subject (if intransitive) is used intransitively with an evaluative manner adverb and a generic interpretation, e.g. The thesis reads/read well. I have included instrument-subject, e.g. This knife cuts well under this heading, rather than under Instrument Subject alternation, because the latter can be used to depict an individual event.
English	Reciprocal	A transitive verb appears with a plural subject and no direct object, implying that the activity was undertaken reciprocally. If there are only two participants, a conjoined subject usually provides a close equivalent, e.g. They hugged vs. John and Mary hugged, but it is also possible for the subject to represent multiple participants, e.g. They all hugged.
English	Have-a-VP(nominal)	The main verb have combines with a "semi-verbal" complement that appears with an indefinite article. 'S had a VP(nominal)' implies 'S VP', e.g. He had a look at my stamp collection implies He looked at my stamp collection. It normally implies the activity took a short time, lacked an external goal and was repeatable; something like pleasurability or benefit is also often implied.
English	Accidental Body-part	A possessive body-part NP appears as direct object of a physical activity or action verb, with the possessor understood to refer to the subject of the verb. The default interpretation is that the outcome was accidental.
English	Quasi-agentive Instrumental Subject	The subject NP designates an inanimate object which is not an instrument in the normal sense. For example, consider a sentence like The glass cut her hand. It implies that a "cutting" effect was produced when a sharp part of the subject came into contact with the patient.
English	Instrumental Subject	A transitive verb that normally takes an agent and an optional instrument, means or medium appears with the instrument or means as subject, e.g. The key opened the door, The hammer broke the window, Water filled the tub (Levin 1993: 80). Differs from a Middle with an instrument subject in that the former is confined to generic interpretations.
English	Directed Nonverbal Expression	A verb depicting a non-verbal expressive act takes an additional argument designating the "target" of the expressive act, e.g. She smiled/frowned/laughed at him.
Hokkaido Japanese	Lexical argument decreasing alternation	Suffixation of lexical transitivity alternation suffixes -e and -ar results in this alternation. The agent argument is removed and the internal argument (in most cases, theme argument) is promoted to subject position.
Hokkaido Japanese	Lexical argument increasing alternation	Suffixation of lexical transitivity alternation suffixes -e and -as results in this alternation. The agent argument is introduced into the subject position and the theme argument of the corresponding intransitive verb is demoted to direct object.
Hokkaido Japanese	DO passive	The passive predicate is formed through suffixation of /rare/. DO passivization causes the promotion of the direct object into subject position and the demotion of the subject. The demoted subject is case-marked with the dative case particle =ni or the complex case particle =niyotte.
Hokkaido Japanese	Causative	A-nom (L-dat) X-acc V <> C-nom A-dat (L-dat) P-acc V-sase A-nom L/R-dat T-acc V <> C-nom A-dat R/L-dat T-acc V-sase A-nom L-acc P-inst V <> C-nom A-dat L-acc P-inst V-sase A-nom L-acc V <> C-nom A-{acc/dat} L-abl V-sase A-nom L-acc V <> C-nom A-dat P-acc V-sase A-nom L-dat P-acc V <> C-nom A-dat P-acc L-dat V-sase A-nom L-dat T-acc V <> C-nom A-dat L-dat T-acc V-sase A-nom L-dat V <> C-nom A-{dat/acc} L-dat V-sase A-nom L-dat V <> C-nom A-acc P-dat V-sase A-nom P-acc L-dat V <> C-nom A-dat P-acc L-dat V-sase A-nom P-acc V <> C-nom A-dat P-acc V-sase A-nom P-dat V <> C-nom A-acc P-dat V-sase A-nom R-dat P-acc V <> C-nom A-dat R-dat P-acc V-sase A-nom R-dat T-acc V <> C-nom A-dat R-dat T-acc V-sase A-nom R-gen=tokoro-dat T-acc V <> C-nom A-dat R-gen=tokoro-dat T-acc V-sase A-nom R-gen-tokoro-dat T-acc V <> C-nom A-dat R-gen-tokoro-dat T-acc V-sase A-nom T-acc V <> C-nom A-dat T-acc V-sase A-nom X-{com/dat} V <> C-nom A-acc X-{com/dat} V-sase A-nom X-abl P-acc V <> C-nom A-dat P-acc V-sase A-nom X-abl P-acc V <> C-nom A-dat X-abl P-acc V-sase A-nom X-abl P-acc V <> C-nom A-dat X-abl T-acc V-sase A-nom X-acc V <> C-nom A-dat X-acc V-sase A-nom X-acc Y-com V <> C-nom A-dat X-acc Y-com V-sase A-nom X-dat "…" V <> C-nom A-dat X-dat Y-acc V-sase A-nom X-nituite V <> C-nom A-dat X-nituite V-sase A-nom Y-dat X-acc V <> C-nom A-dat X-acc (*Y-dat) V-sase A-nom Y-dat X-acc V <> C-nom A-dat Y-dat X-acc V-sase A-nom Y-dat X-gen-koto-acc V <> C-nom A-dat Y-dat X-gen-koto-acc V-sase E-nom M-acc V <> C-nom E-dat St-acc V-sase E-nom St-acc V <> C-nom E-dat St-acc V-sase E-nom St-acc V <> C-nom Exp-dat St-acc V-sase E-nom T-acc V <> C-nom E-acc V-sase Exp-nom P-acc V <> C-nom A-dat P-acc V-sase S-nom L-dat V <> C-nom S-{dat/acc} L-dat V-sase S-nom L-dat V <> C-nom S-acc L-dat V-sase S-nom V <> ?-sase S-nom V <> C-nom A-dat (Path-acc) V-sase S-nom V <> C-nom S-{dat/acc} V-sase S-nom V <> C-nom S-acc V-sase S-nom V <> C-nom S-dat (X-acc) V-sase S-nom V <> C-nom S-dat V-sase
Hokkaido Japanese	Potential (ability)	The potential predicate is formed through suffixation of the potential suffixes /e/ and /rare/. The allomorph is determined by the phonological shape of the verb root. When the verb root ends with a consonant, /e/ is selected. For the other cases, /rare/ is selected. The allomorph /rare/ optionally undergoes deletion of /ra/ and it is realized as /re/. The potential 1 construction describes the ability of the agent. The case frame of this construction is the same as that of the corresponding active sentence. In Standard Japanese potential constructions, the subject may be case-marked in the dative. On the other hand, in this dialect, this type of case alternation does not occur. This alternation does not change the valency.
Hokkaido Japanese	Anticausative with /rasar/	Anticausativization in the Hokkaido dialect employs the suffix /rasar/ as a morphological marker. Anticausativization in this dialect applies to the accomplishment transitive verbs. Direct objects in the active sentences correspond to the anticausative subject. Activity verbs can be anticausativized when the combination of verb and object implies a change of state.
English	Assisting Body-part	A verb involving bodily motion, either intransitive e.g. crawl or transitive, e.g. carry, takes a PP with preposition on and a body-part designating the locus on contact. This is distinct from a regular body-part "instrument" both semantically (because in this construction the body-part does not play an active role) and formally (because the instrumental body-part normally occurs with preposition with).
English	Location-capacity subject	Certain verbs (incl. carry, sleep, hold) can take a locational subject and a complement indicating that location's capacity with respect to the event depicted by the verb, e.g. Five people can sleep in this room ~ This room sleeps five people. Cf. Levin 1993: 82.
English	Dative	With verb of transfer of possession, in the basic pattern, the thing transferred is direct object with the recipient (or intended recipient) in a PP headed by preposition to; in the nonbasic pattern, the recipient appears as direct object in postverbal position with the thing transferred following as an unmarked second object.
English	Get-a-VP(nominal)	The main verb get combines with a "semi-verbal" complement that appears with an indefinite article, as in the Have-a-VP alternation. 'S got a VP(nominal)' implies 'S VP'.
English	Stimulus Subject	An experience verb like look (at) or smell can take either the experiencer as subject with stimulus as object (this is the basic frame), or stimulus as subject, an evaluative complement, and the experiencer (if present) appears in a to-phrase, e.g. It smelt good to me.
English	Direct Quotation	A verb of speech or thought takes a direct quotation, rather than an indefinite complement; e.g. He said something, vs. He said: "Get out".
English	That-complement	A verb of saying, thinking, or knowing takes a "that-complement", i.e. a sentential complement introduced by that, rather than an indefinite complement. For example, He said that she was at home vs. He said something about her.
English	Abstract subject	Some verbs of physical affect, perhaps predominantly verbs depicting effects on the human body, can take abstract subjects depicting illnesses, social conditions, and the like, e.g. Obesity (loneliness, unemployment) can kill, or events, e.g. The explosion (fire, etc.) killed dozens of people. There are reasons to believe that this is a distinct polysemic extension of the primary kill meaning; for example, no instrument is possible.
English	Understood Reflexive Object	Verbs like wash and dress and other verbs of "caring for the body", whose primary frame is transitive, frequently appear without any overt object (in a nonbasic frame), with the implication that the subject washes, dresses, etc., him or herself (Levin 1993: 35f). Notice though that an explicit reflexive is either odd (e.g. She dressed herself - implies that usually someone else does it) or anomalous (e.g. She flossed herself).
English	Locus of personal contact	A transitive verb implying affect caused by physical contact with a body-part takes an NP designating a person as its direct object, and the locus of contact with that person's body appears in a prepositional phrase with on or in, e.g. She touched him on the shoulder. Levin (1993) termed this Body-Part Possessor Ascension. It generally implies a "feel" component, either on behalf of the affected person or as part of the agent's intention, e.g. She kissed him on the cheek (as he slept).
English	Conative	A canonically transitive verb implying physical affect, via motion and contact, appears without a direct object, but the expected direct object appears in a PP introduced by at. The frame implies an attempted action.
English	With/against alternation	Occurs with instrument-taking transitive verb: the semantic instrument appears as the direct object, while a PP introduced by against (or sometimes on) identifies the thing with which the instrument came into contact, e.g. He hit the stick against the fence.
English	Causative-Inchoative	A verb occurs freely in both transitive and intransitive frames, e.g. break and burn. It is difficult to establish either frame as the primary one. Sometimes I was unsure whether to assign a verb to the Ambitransitive or whether to define a more specific alternation.
English	Benefactive	A transitive verb takes an additional post-verbal object designating a person when benefited from the action, e.g. They cooked me dinner.
English	Source-of-part	A verb of physical affect which depicts part of a larger object being removed or separated from that object can take a PP introduced by off or from, indicating the identity of the the larger object. With some verbs, e.g. peel, use of this frame can be regarded as a genuine alternation; compare He peeled the orange vs. He peeled the skin off the orange.
English	Cognate Object	A transitive action or activity verb whose normal direct object is a material or means appears instead with a direct object designating a "product" or outcome. Examples: pour water ~ pour a beer; tie a rope ~ tie a knot. I use this also for mental verbs and speech verbs where the "object" is an appropriate abstract noun, e.g. to know a subject, to ask a question.
English	Instrumental Object	A transitive verb that implies a certain kind of material instrument/means, e.g. tie, wrap, can take the "instrument" as direct object, with the erstwhile direct object appearing in an obligatory locational PP. Example: tie X with a rope ~ tie a rope around/onto X, wrap X with paper ~ wrap paper around X. This resembles the Locative alternation.
English	Into-Resultative	A transitive verb implying a material instrument/means appears with the instrument/means as direct object and an into-phrase describing the product or outcome, e.g. He tied the ribbon into a bow. This could perhaps be seen as an instance of the Instrumental Object alternation, with an into-resultative phrase in place of a locative (compare: He tied the ribbon around the parcel).
English	Locative	A transitive verb depicting someone moving something (T) to a vehicle, container or other "thing-like" location can appear with the location as direct object and the thing moved in a with-phrase, e.g. loaded hay onto the truck ~ loaded the truck with hay.
English	Way-construction	An intransitive verb that can take a directional adjunct (indicating that the actor achieved translocational motion by performing the activity) appears with 'Possessor + way' in the postverbal position, e.g. They pushed through the crowd ~ They pushed their way through the crowd.
Eastern Armenian	Mediopassive	Mediopassive is a semantically heterogeneous alternation usually yielding a reduction of the argument number and having a vast range of interpretations, depending on the verb semantics and the context, from passive and decausative to reflexive and reciprocal.
Eastern Armenian	Causative	Usually introduces a new Agent, the Causee
Eastern Armenian	Causative-Mediopassive	suffix stacking: causative suffix followed by mediopassive suffix
Eastern Armenian	Reciprocal	With come reciprocal situations, the two participants may be either expressed as separate NPs (a subject NP and a complement NP) or to be incorporated into single plural subject NP. As this is an uncoded alternation, we can not check how frequent this alternation is used with the separate verbs in the corpus. The alternation value regularly is therefore given to verbs for which we entered an example.
Eastern Armenian	Object Omission	Generalized objects may be omitted to result in a new situation, with a focus on the state or the activity of the Agent.
Eastern Armenian	Internal Object	Semantics of some verbs may strongly suggest a specific object; however, when the object is not default or has to be additionally characterized, it may appear as an overt DO
English	Malefactive	An intransitive verb depicting an event which could be bad for someone (other than the subject) gains an argument in an on-phrase designating another person who is negatively affected; e.g. My horse died on me.
German	Instrument Subject Alternation	An instrumental adjunct (mit+NP) is promotet to subject position. The former adjunct is removed from the frame.
English	Gerundive complement	An experiencer verb that normally takes a post-verb NP (often with a locus expression) appears with a gerundive (i.e. -ing form) complement.
English	Stimulus prepositional object	Some verbs of emotional reaction can take an added "stimulus" argument expressed in a prepositional phrase, e.g. Don't cry for me. This is not the same phenomenon as a subcategorised prepositional object with a predicate like afraid (of) or obsessed (with).
English	Resultative complement	A transitive verb of "affect" can take post-object secondary predicate, expressing an effect that has been achieved on the direct object. With some verbs this construction licences certain kinds of expression as direct object that are otherwise not possible; compare *She boiled the pot ~ She boiled the pot dry.
English	Quasi-benefactive-accompaniment with	Verbs like carry, bring and take can add a plain, i.e. non-reflexive preposition co-referential with the subject in a with-phrase; e.g. I took my brother with me, He brought his racquet with him. The implication is that the subject could benefit from the presence of the person or thing, e.g. as company, as equipment. There is no standard name for this construction, cf. Levin (1993: 104).
English	Possessor ascension	When the "possessor" of an object which is normally realised in an oblique PP is alternately realised as a possessive NP, typically a possessive pronoun. For example, I stole money from him ~ I stole his money. The terminology is awkward and derives from relational grammar, but I don't know of any more felicitous alternative. The possessive construction implies real ownership, whereas oblique PP version only requires temporary possession, e.g. I had borrowed my sister's bike and while I had it, someone stole it from me.
English	Path subject	Verbs that depict motional activity along a "path" through a background location can take a path expression as subject and the location as object. For example: The road follows the railway line, The bridge crosses the river, The path enters the forest here.
English	Locative promotion	A verb of bodily motion, usually intransitive, takes a post-verbal locational object, e.g. She jumped the puddle. The construction is a near paraphrase relationship with a intransitive sentence with a PP, e.g. She jumped over the puddle. Levin (1993) might have categorised this an kind "preposition omission", but I see an affiliation with locative applicatives, hence the coinage Locative promotion. Occasionally a canonically transitive verb can participate: She climbed over the fence ~ She climbed the fence.
English	To-complement	Infinitival complement.
English	Wh-complement	Verbs of cognition, and some verbs of perception, can take embedded wh-complements, e.g. I know what to do, I couldn't think how to do it, She knew/asked/wondered where it was. The construction is sometimes termed an "embedded question" but this is misleading terminology. A better term would be "knowledge complement".
English	Topic-about	Verbs of cognition, emotion and communication can sometimes add a "topic" argument marked by preposition about, e.g. We laughed about it. There is scope for confusion because for some verbs, e.g. think, this can be regarded as a "core" valency.
Eastern Armenian	Contentive	Verbs of loading and filling may take the filling substance as P and the Goal as an in-lative adjunct or take the Goal as P and the filling substance as an instrument.
Eastern Armenian	Proprietive	Vebs of removal and separation may take the Source as an ablative adjunct; alternatively, the Source may be coded as the Possessor of the Theme. While in many languages that may happen to verbs of deprivation such as still or take away by force (I stole my friend's hat vs. I stole this hat from a friend of mine), in Armenian this is extended to verbs designating separation of the part from the whole. As this is an uncoded alternation, we can not check how frequent this alternation is used with the separate verbs in the corpus. The alternation value regularly is therefore given to verbs for which we entered an example.
Russian	Reflexive Passive	Reflexive Passive is used instead of the Participial Passive in the imperfective aspect. As in the Participial Passive, the A (if at all expressed) is demoted and appears in the Instrumental case.
Russian	Negative Accusative-Genitive alternation	The alternation occurs only in the context of negation. The direct object of most verbs can be marked with the Accusative as well as the Genitive case in negated clauses. This alternation usually occurs with verbs in the imperfective aspect and taking a non-referential object.
Russian	Reflexive Middle (impersonal)	The reflexive marker -sja is used to code the Middle transformation. In the derived impersonal construction, the subject of the basic version optionally occurs as a dative argument. It often occurs in the context of negation or with a modification by means of an (evaluative) adverb. The middle alternation is used (only) in imperfective.
German	Impersonal Passive
German	Passive with sein
Icelandic	Ambitransitive with conjugation variation	This construction is a weak transitive, which alternats with a strong intransitive.
Hokkaido Japanese	IO passive	The passive predicate is formed through suffixation of /rare/. IO passivization causes the promotion of the indirect object into subject position and the demotion of the subject. The demoted subject is case-marked with the dative case particle =ni or the complex case particle =niyotte. The direct object remains in accusative.
Hokkaido Japanese	potential (property)	The potential predicate is formed through suffixation of the potential suffixes /e/ and /rare/. The allomorph is determined by the phonological shape of the verb root. When the verb root ends with a consonant, /e/ is selected. For the other cases, /rare/ is selected. The allomorph /rare/ optionally undergoes deletion of /ra/ and it is realized as /re/. The potential 2 construction describes a property of a certain entity. In this construction, the agent is removed.
Icelandic	Prepositional Object alternation	Some transitive predicates alternate between selecting for a direct object and a prepositional object. This alternation is the variant with the prepositional object.
Icelandic	Direct Object alternation	Some transitive predicates alternate between selecting for a direct object and a prepositional object. This alternation is the variant with the direct object.
Italian	Indirect Reciprocal Reflexive	A pattern where the verb is (di)transitive and the A arguments and the recipient/benefactive argument act on each other and are both Benefactive of the verbal activity. In its non-canonical realizations A may be inanimate. In this pattern, reciprocity is often overtly expressed by means of the adverbials a vicenda, reciprocamente 'reciprocally' and by phrases such as l'un l'altro 'each other', which disambiguate the reflexive from the reciprocal interpretations (Cennamo 2011c and references therein).
English	Experiencer Passive with of-Stimulus
Gothic	null referential object (R)
Gothic	object omission (R)
Gothic	object omission (T)
Gothic	partitive
Gothic	causal -ja-
Gothic	noncausal with synthetic passive
Gothic	object omission
Gothic	analytic passive with wisan
Gothic	conative
Gothic	external possessor
Gothic	noncausal -na-
Gothic	null referential object
Gothic	double accusative
Gothic	understood passive
Gothic	impersonal with synthetic passive
Gothic	polyptotic reciprocal
Gothic	added recipient
Gothic	analytic passive with wairþan
Gothic	reflexive
Gothic	understood reflexive
Gothic	locative
Gothic	construction
Gothic	synthetic passive
Gothic	noncausal with analytic passive
Gothic	causal with -ja-
Gothic	cognate/kindred object
Gothic	indirect reflexive
Gothic	object omission (both)
Gothic	causative with letan
Gothic	applicative
Gothic	impersonal
Gothic	causative with taujan
Gothic	uncoded applicative
Gothic	passive participle
Gothic	uncoded causal
Gothic	reciprocal with misso
Gothic	reflexive (indirect)
Gothic	noncausal with reflexive
Gothic	understood noncausal
Gothic	construction (that clause)
Latin	object omission (both)
Latin	object omission (R)
Latin	null referential object
Latin	r-passive
Latin	personal construction
Latin	external possessor
Latin	anticausative with r-passive
Latin	construction
Latin	null referential object (T)
Latin	object omission
Latin	direct reflexive
Latin	passive
Latin	reflexive passive
Latin	impersonal passive
Latin	impersonal third person active
Latin	null referential object (R)
Latin	null referential object (both)
Latin	cognate/kindred object
Latin	reciprocal reflexive
Latin	uncoded applicative
Latin	double accusative
Latin	ambitransitive
Latin	understood cognate/kindred object
Latin	object insertion
Latin	ditransitive
Latin	object omission (T)
Latin	understood reflexive